W. Reginald Wheeler
China and the World War
.
Footnotes
1. Sung Chiao-jen. text
2. This was to be followed in 1916 by a Russo-Japanese agreement providing for mutual assistance in case either's possessions in the Far East were threatened by a third power. text
3. See Appendix I..... text
4. Refers to preaching Buddhism. text
5. S. K. Hornbeck, Contemporary Politics in the Far-East, page 346. text
6. Putnam-Weale, The Fight for the Republic in China, pages 151 and 161. text
7. The telegrams and communications quoted in this chapter appear in full in a publication of the Republican Government of China with the title: "The People's Will: An Exposure of the Political Intrigues at Peking Against the Republic of China," and in the columns of the Peking Gazette. text
8. There is evidence for the view that Japan at first encouraged Yuan in his monarchical aspirations, and then suddenly reversed its position. text
9. Called Hung Hsien. text
10 Analects of Confucius, Book 12, Chapter 7. text
11. It is interesting to note that the armies under Attila were held up as examples for the German soldiers to follow, by Kaiser Wilhelm in 1900, in his speech to the German troops embarking for China. This was perhaps the first association of the term Huns " with German forces. The Kaiser's exact words were:
"As soon as you come to blows with the enemy he will be beaten. No mercy will be shown! No prisoners will be taken! As the Huns, under King Attila, made a name for themselves, which is still mighty in traditions and legends to-day, may the name of German be so fixed in China by your deeds, that no Chinese shall ever again dare even to look at a German askance. . . . Open the way for Kultur once for all." text
12. An interesting account of events in Peking preceding the war declaration is given in an article by Carson Chang, Secretary to the President, entitled " The Inside History of China's Declaration of War," Millard's Review, Aug. 17, '18. text
13. The personal influence of the American Minister and his associates at Peking, throughout all the negotiations leading tip finally to a declaration of war, was one of the strongest factors in inducing China to join the Allies. text
14. Putnam-Weale, The Fight for the Republic in China, page 334. text
15. Hsuan Tung. text
16. The principle of the "open-door," or equal opportunity, in China, was potentially present in Great Britain's first treaty relations with China in 1842, and the influence of Great Britain in general has been in line with this principle. Anson Burlingame, the first American minister to China, who went out in 1861, was a strong champion of the same ideal. Accordingly the idea was generally current in the Orient long before it was formally recognized in the agreements initiated by Secretary Hay in 1899. The exact phrase, "open-door," was first used in American state-documents in the ultimatum sent to Spain on November 21st, 1898, in reference to the future economic relations with the Philippines. text
17. Contemporary Politics in the Far East, page 242. text
18. Adachi Kinnosuke, in Asia, December, 1917. text
19. See Appendix V........ text
20. Article on "The Lansing-Ishii Agreement," in Asia, December, 1917. text
21. In the Lansing-Ishii Agreement quoted above. text
22. Adachi Kinnosuke, in Asia, December, 1917. text
23. The Fight for the Republic in China, page 117. text
24. Millards Review, May 25, 1918. text
25. Note: The Allied Force numbered about 24,000 in the summer of 1918. Of this number, half were Japanese and the balance was composed of American, Chinese, British, French and Italian soldiers. text
26. William S. Howe, Asia, July 18, 1918. text
27. "China will become, through the jealousy and the indifference of the Western Powers, the most dangerous storm-centre in the world after a European peace is concluded." F. W. Williams, The Nation, November 22, 1917. text
28. The Allies in October made a joint statement requesting more stringent control over German activities in China. text
29. The distribution of these labour-battalions, according to a report received at the Chinese Legation in Washington, in October, 1918, was as follows: With the British forces, 125,000; with the French, 40,000; with the Americans, 6,000; in Mesopotamia and Africa, about 4,000. Total, 175,000. text
30. Current History Magazine, November, 1917. text
31. On November 20th the announcement was made in Peking that the government had purchased and would destroy the entire stock of opium remaining in China. text
32. A hastily-devised scheme to change to a gold standard similar to that of Japan, which was announced Aug. 10th, 1917, was greeted with protests by the international interests concerned. text
33. The exact sum was 198,430,000 yen, according to Millard's Review, on Aug. 10, 1918. More loans have been made since then. text
34. Putnam-Weale, The Fight for the Republic in China, p. 379. text
35. Despite the most adverse conditions, the year 1917 was a very prosperous one, the maritime customs collections amounting to over $40,000,000, an increase of nearly $10,000,000 over those of the preceding year. The foreign trade in 1917 totalled more than a billion taels, which at the present rate of exchange equalled gold $1,032,699,412. text
36 .The gravity of this economic situation from an international standpoint was clearly indicated in a recent article by Dr. Walter E. Weyl (Harper's Magazine, October, 1918):
"The urgent and increasing need of industrial progress renders all obstruction unavailing. The world is pressing in on China and the Chinese can no more hold off this advance then they can withstand modern artillery fire with their ancient city walls. Year by year the European nations acquire greater rights and wider powers; year by year they start new enterprises and secure new concessions, until the question comes to be not whether China will be developed, but merely whether the Chinese themselves will do the job or step aside and permit strangers to do it. Upon the answer to this question, upon China's proved capacity to take care of her own resources and utilize them wisely, hangs the immediate independence of China and her whole place in the world. China will either grow into an effective and capable industrial nation or will be held subject, at least temporarily, to international control and international exploitation. She will develop herself or be developed compulsorily by other nations in the interest of other nations. . . . Imperialism, which has divided up Africa and much of western Asia, now knocks at China's door. . . . How it will all end, by what means, if any, China will be enabled to hold her own, to develop herself and take her equal place among the great nations-is a baffling, haunting question, a challenge not only to the Chinese, but to those friends of China in the Western World who wish this problem to be settled justly and in peace." text
37. The New China and Her Relation to the World. Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science, Volume 7, No. 3. text
38. Legal Obligations Arising out of Treaty Relations between China and other States, pages 207-217. text
39. Introduction to above, page 8. text
40. Putnam-Weale, The Fight for the Republic in China, page 375. text
41. Note on Investment of Foreign Capital in China. The following extract is taken from an address by Dr. S. K. Hornbeck before the National Conference on Foreign Relations of the United States at Long Beach, N. Y., June 1st, 1917.
"China needs capital. She must get it, she is eager to have it. She has repeatedly asked it of us. Without capital she cannot develop her resources. Upon the development of her resources depends the increasing of her power to sell and to buy. Upon this depends her economic and probably her political salvation. All this means that there must be investments ---capital from abroad. But investments in China require, under existing conditions, the giving and taking of concessions, with a certain amount of foreign supervision. There is nothing inherently evil in the process. The thing that is desirable is that investments and concessions ---those on a large scale at least---be subjected to regulation. The present evil lies in absence of regulations, in extreme individualism. There should be regulation through a group of governments ---including the Chinese---on a basis of co-operation. We should offer our capital only where we are assured that it will not be used to further political ends of which we do not approve. If we think to avert rather than to precipitate conflict, if we are seriously interested in the problem of developing China's resources with a minimum of friction, we must work for something more promising than a new application of the old individualistic principle. . . . This suggests nothing short of general, that is, extended, international co-operation for the placing of capital in China. . . . It would require frank co-operation on the part of the governments of those states which have capital for foreign investment. . . . As a group, the co-operating states, including and with the consent of China, could determine the distribution and guarantee the security of capital accepted for Chinese enterprises. . . . Administration of special securities, where required, should be subject to international personnel, after the model of the Chinese Customs Service. It should be understood that no concession should be taken and no investment be made which had not the approval of the Chinese government. . . . If there is any region in the world today in which it is practicable to attempt the experiment of a league of forces, economic and political, for the preservation of the peace, that region is to be found in the field which has long been a battle ground of trade, concessions and investments-the Far East." F. N. (Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science (N. Y.), vol. VII, no. 3, pp. 92--98).
The announcement made on July 29th of the intention of the United States Government to support bankers in joining in a loan Of $50,000,000, with Great Britain, France and Japan, seems to be in line with these principles. text
42. From the Chinese Social and Political Science Review, quoted in Millard's Review, Aug. 10, 1918. text
43. See page 85.......... text
44. Village Life in China, by A. H. Smith, substituted for Village and Town Life in China, by Y. K. Leong and L. K. Tao. text
